Introduction During the Cold War, Latin America, Africa and even the dynamics in South Asia not included in the international politics. Policy Studies of the Cold War and the race to safety in other parts of the world have, particularly in the industrial West overlooked especially the third world and its quest for security. Even after the end of the Cold War, difficult situations, third-world security remain by the existence of a very complex balance of power, often a precarious balance. The current phase of globalization, such as Kenichi Ohmae (1990, 1993 and 1996) argues, has become a “borderless world”, where economic forces and free trade are at the heart of international relations. In such a situation, the Third World countries often have to play difficult balancing acts. This article is an attempt to account for this situation Third World security at three levels of analysis – international, regional and state. This analysis is done using three main regional organizations in the Third World – ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. It is an attempt to show how the integration of politics and regional security are interdependent in the developing world. In the process, to our understanding of how to deal with these regional organizations and to provide encounter with security problems with the current phase of globalization. What is security? Security in international politics is a moot point, and it remains to this day. For a very long time, traditional thinking was that “the state must and will be on security, on political and military security” (Buzan et al 1998:37). This concept of security since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, where the concept of the nation state was created widespread. This view has become increasingly important during the twentieth century with two world wars and, in consequence of the Cold War that lasted almost five decades. needs after the end of the Cold War, the scope of security studies with many “extenders” that the subject to embrace a broader range of threats and to go was argued last beyond the traditional focus on military aspects of security for the state. These changes in perception have debate between those who subscribe to more traditional thinking and those who “wanted to expand” the definition of security includes other non-military threats and create. [1] Security in the Third World since 1945, many of the greatest threats to the security of the state has become, rather than external internal, a change that has profound implications for international relationships. As Holsti (1996: 15) writes, security among States in the Third World “is increasingly dependent on the security within states.” For countries in the Third World, is the security concern not only to the size of external military threat but also the entire coast of the existence of the state, internal security and nation building, includes the systems of food safety, health, economy, trade and environment (Thomas 1987). The countries of the Third World, as are all states of their own security, internal and external concerns. But since they are mostly poor, underdeveloped and post-colonial states in the developing world have inherited from their colonial economy, political structures and perceptions of security. Some pre-modern and weak, characterized by low socio-political and poorly developed structures of the state. The titles of these states are influenced by these characteristics. For authoritarian governments in the developing world, the security and the fight against internal subversion and maintaining internal order at any price. The following three sections focus on security policy and regional integration in the Third World in particular through the various dimensions of the analysis of security at three levels – international, regional and state levels. Where appropriate, the dimensions of the security of the military, political, economic, social and environmental areas. [2] In addition to these dimensions are the security problems in the internal and external dimensions. As mentioned above, this analysis will be made to see how the three regional organizations of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and security issues in the SADC. The International System of Cold War politics of the Cold War international system, the functioning of most of the second half of the twentieth century dominated. It is interesting to note that the Third World countries were not important in the global balance of power, and little of the security programs of the political decision-makers in the West had exacerbated the bipolar system and the current concerns of Western powers and the spread of communism and its confinement conflicts in the Third World. While conflicts in the central and strategic Europe and North America have been averted, the Cold War proved to be a warm and for the third world countries, where major powers have played the game, international politics. The Vietnam War was the clearest result and example. The intensity of the Vietnam War and the increasing participation of the Soviet Union and the growing threat to regional security in ASEAN has adopted a policy of non-aligned. The Vietnam war continued, the relationships between the members and threaten to harm regional security. Communist victories in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam has intensified the situation. In 1976, ASEAN has been forced to consider, an association with safety as their biggest concern. So, the February 1976 summit in Bali, was signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord. They agreed that “the right of every State to lead its national existence free from external interference, subversion or coercion, non-interference in the internal affairs of another, settlement of differences or disputes by peaceful means and refraining from the threat or use of force “(ASEAN 1976). The unification of Vietnam, the growing problems of internal security and the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia led to a further dilemma for the security during the ASEAN mid 1970th In the subsequent negotiations, in which the importance of ASEAN as a regional organization for the settlement of disputes and maintenance of security was widely recognized. Vietnam, from Cambodia in 1989 and the Vietnam War was concluded by the Paris Agreement of 1991. Meanwhile, the security problem in southern Africa during the Cold War by the presence of apartheid in South Africa, a regime that was also adopted aggravated a strong anti-communist political and went hard against any socialist policy. Angola and Mozambique, have chosen this path were to be targeted. During the 1950s and the 1960s, the South African Defence Force (SADF) is a doctrine of national security (the strategy of Total) develops, by emphasizing the psychological, social and economic resources to meet his enemy target, More military means. The South African Government has a framework for the implementation of policies which fully established across all areas of public life, called the National Security Management System. , Louis Nel, South Africa and Deputy Foreign Minister, said in November 1982, “The Kremlin has actively Southern African Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movements in their quest for power in Angola, Mozambique and supported Zimbabwe. The Kremlin supported SWAPO, the South African ANC and the Communist Party of South Africa, the struggles against SWA / Namibia and the Republic of South Africa, respectively “(Quoted in Hanlon 1986: 8). With such words had two advantages – the policy of apartheid as Communist-inspired could be considered and called for the Western support, he has been a bulwark against communist attacks (Hanlon 1986: 8). The U.S. is a superpower, Latin America recognizes as its sphere of influence. Of the most alert of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, when U.S. President James Monroe European powers to stay in America, the U.S. has, in fact, reserves the right to influence and intervene, Latin America. This is a factor in the policy for the United States and many Latin American countries have been for a long time. The Cold War has also reduced the Latin American countries (LAC) the possibility of relations with other regions. Consequently, most countries in the region reduced their dependence on the superpowers. It was the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) that have shaped much of regionalism in South America. This can be seen as an indirect opposition to the hegemony of the superpowers. Unlike in Europe, this region is relatively peaceful until 1960, when the Cold War has become hot with the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. While many inter-state wars erupted after the 1960s, was the real problem of security for Latin America of the Cold War, the countries of the region is gradually becoming an American sphere of influence. Since the 1960s, the United States intervened militarily, and more in his own backyard and installed puppet governments. The Cold War also marked the dangerous arms race and nuclear. Compared signed such a threat, in 1971, a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality (ZOPFAN) statement was signed by the Member States of ASEAN. This statement in response to the emerging multi-polarity of the region can be viewed with the USSR, the United States, China and Japan, the major powers influence events in South Asia. Similarly, should be declared in the Declaration of Foz de Iguazu in November 1985, Brazil and Argentina its nuclear programs for peaceful purposes. This action by the countries of the Third World as it may desire, the political interference of the cold war and the aggression of superpowers, to remove the destabilization of the Third World. The post-Cold War demise of the Soviet Union and the convertible in the bipolar world has had a direct effect on the developing world. He has seen the emergence of the USA as sole superpower, has to be even stronger in the course of time. Politically, the end of the Cold War led to withdrawal of support for many third world countries and movements. The collapse of the Soviet Union has discredited the replacement model and the ideology of the Soviet Union represented. This in turn influenced many movements and supported in many Third World countries, including members of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. Economically, it has also led to changes in the direction of trade and economy. The military dimension also produces the same result from a reorientation of the arms trade, transfers and transactions. The end of the Cold War, symbolized by the strong influence of the United States, its involvement in the problems of Third World conflicts (Iraq, Afghanistan, etc.) in addition to the complex network of international relations has been and will continue to have impact on the safety of Third World and their regional integration process. For the third world security problem has become heterogeneous after the Cold War because it has become the subject of complex and takes the pressure. The world post-9/11 period has entered a new period of uncertainty and threat after 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, and events that followed. Shortly after the U.S. began a movement and led a coalition to topple the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The attacks on the introduction of the “war on terrorism” legislation in many countries, including Britain, India, Australia, France, Germany, Indonesia, China, Canada, Russia, Pakistan, Jordan led, Mauritius, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This led to an end to the transition, following the end of the Cold War (Wenger, and Zimmerman, 2003: 1). For years, states and regional organizations have been ignored and not think of terrorism as a priority. If this is true in most states, it is applied more particularly in the Third World countries to solve where the diseases of poverty, internal conflicts and hunger as the immediate problems had. But this threat is increasingly a problem for all states by most of the attacks in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam and Casablanca in 1999, bomb attacks on Bali, attacks in Britain, Egypt, Yemen, Argentina in 1992 and 1994 and other threats and attacks all parts of the world. Terrorism can not be treated as a concern in the West. It has become an international security problem, where the regional organization, give a conclusive answer has enabled the process of integration and inter-and intra-regional trade are not hindered by these threats. The regional level in ASEAN was founded, despite its policy of nonalignment, some members still alignments official with the United States and Britain. The fact is that members are solely responsible for their own safety. So most of the political and strategic alliances with other countries took outside the framework of ASEAN. After its establishment, ASEAN of the communist bloc as nothing more than inspired “Western military alliance against China and the United States, Indo-China so far” (Dixon 1999: 118) was. Of course, during much of the cold war and later became China as a major security threat by the members of ASEAN, which is why most of the ASEAN countries want to see in the United States remains, as a regional force. Many of them believe that they would be the withdrawal of the United States a power vacuum to be filled by China or Japan created. But the report of the ASEAN and China has grown significantly improved since the end of the Cold War. This new relationship with China under the leadership of ASEAN in 1997. It was in Beijing. The new design is because the ASEAN leaders have begun to recognize the political and economic benefits of closer relations with China easily outweigh the military risks. the end of apartheid in South Africa, the SADC to bring education and his attempt, the differences between the states into line as soon as the differences between the policies and plans were made for important security in Southern Africa. While the summit was launched in 1996 in Gaborone of the SADC Heads of State and Government of the SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS). was created for the first time since the cdic, the region was now stable regional security architecture. The Inter-state Defence and Security (ISDSC), which was founded in 1994 has been integrated the newly found OPDS. In 2003, a mutual defense pact was signed by SADC. It was a formal commitment of SADC as an organization of collective defense. While the “international terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction … and play a role to play in the region” (Steinhilber 2006:11), the problem of HIV / AIDS is a major concern for all African countries. This creates instability and affects regional integration. HIV / AIDS is an important issue and is a major concern for the southern African countries today. This problem is clearly shown in the Declaration of Prega Ramsamy (reflected in 2001: 35), former Secretary of SADC, he said, “HIV / AIDS [] pandemic is growing in our community. Available statistics show that the rates of infected people in the region could be as high as one in five in some Member States. At least four countries have rates above 400 per 100,000, indicating the magnitude of the problem. “The members of SADC have committed themselves strongly together against the fight against HIV / AIDS ( SADC 2003). Improved relations, the agenda for security has changed and the process of democratization in Latin America led since the late 1980s and early 1990s to a new perception of a shared vision for Latin America. The Treaty of Asunción established the MERCOSUR March 1991. With the inclusion of Bolivia and Chile, Mercosur expanded to 230 million people or 45 percent of the population of Latin America. Although the South American countries facing many external threats, the strengthening of economic relations and the opening of borders can often lead to problems of security for its neighbors. When the army has taken over new tasks, the problem is whether a balance between the member countries is available on safety and leadership. Argentina and Brazil are also the idea of institutionalization of the Conference of Ministers of the American defense against it. Specifically, this means that they are against a system of continental security. Make it clear that African countries are too different, we can also say that the two most powerful countries of the South wish to use their influence on other members of MERCOSUR and the functioning of the Regional Integration Agreement to exercise itself. Paraguay and Uruguay for joint maneuvers and want an advisory body for this purpose because they fear that Argentina and Brazil have their nuclear technologies are to use their own purposes, despite the nuclear treaties. Brazil is also said that its own nuclear project. Meanwhile, Chile opted for an independent defense policy. On the economic front, the Mercosur countries are yet to reach safety – the devaluation of the Brazilian real in 1999, and other financial crises in Argentina and Brazil, the case in point. These attacks have also led the members of MERCOSUR on the question of its existence. State-level analysis of the third world security at the state faces enormous challenges because of the enormous differences in the safety and perceptions and conditions in those states. Security Update for these states is always on the common issue of state capacity, resources, and protect its borders and involves measurements food, environment, economy, elites, the company, the culture and the legitimacy and survival of states and rulers. In other words, all the dimensions of the military, political, economic, social and ecological security as important for the Third World. In recent years the problem of transnational crime, drug trafficking and terrorism, was added to the security dilemma of states. First, the role of the armed forces played for the regimes and governments to secure and maintain much of their power, ideology and legitimacy. The political role of the military in the Third World and the weakness of state institutions led to armed groups and paramilitary forces to win to have more power and influence. In the case of Thailand, military coups after coups military past because of the very strong political position that the military enjoys. In Indonesia, the longevity of the control depends on the army. The military has also been used for more power, even illegitimate. This leads to the use of military force against the opposition of the death of thousands. This kind of military adventurism and the use of the military is particularly common in Africa. For example, in August 1998, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia has decided to one part of an intervention into operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to fight against the rebels. This intervention events at the request of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila, who seized power by military force is based. In most regions, the militarism of these problems and the new roles that the military has begun to play ironically led to greater insecurity for the civilian population. The role played by the military could put them in contact with the civilian population and increase the likelihood of breaches of human rights. It could also put them in direct confrontation with people (Pion-Berlin 2000). But overall, the political role that the army had been reduced since democratization has begun. In addition to separatist movements, ethnic violence and unrest, the ASEAN countries are sensitive to economic crises and economic stability. Security money was not achieved. For example, the Thai economy has a serious economic crisis of the 1970s and early 1980s that the economy has led to the brink of collapse. Several reforms have been undertaken under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, the Thai economy recovered slowly as possible. The Asian crisis of the late 1990s also had serious effects on the economies of these countries. has given the environment, exploitation of resources and attention to the environment was limited, the subject of an international dispute and in which regional organizations are more involved. Since the ECLA (2001) stated: “The environment plays an important role in the production of resource-play based, and in the provision of food and other facilities for the population. However, there is not a strong correlation between economic and social development and the environment the basis for the development of strategies and policies operated in the Caribbean. since the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, the importance of the environment for trade and development has become generally accepted. However, were the developing countries concerned about proposals to labor standards and environment in the jurisdiction of the to make WTO. It was part of the reason for the failure of a new round of negotiations in Seattle in 2000 to start. Environmental issues are back on the agenda of the Ministerial Conference in Doha in November 2001. “integration and security of what is said above, the security and the perception of many Third World countries are still the main source of tension for the regional integration movement. During the war, cold, the international system of a country which led to the emergence of internal conflicts and wars has sometimes created. These side effects will destroy the thin fabric that the country is to fulfill the third world in their efforts. The essence of the track of the ASEAN non-interference, multilateral consultations may also be amended for a useful and practical. Instead of ignoring the underlying problems and skirting the issues, they must be treated directly. Of course, the sovereignty of a member must be respected, but as a regional organization is also his responsibility to effectively address the problems of a member in a constructive way. Linked to all these is the problem that meet the ASEAN regionalism. He lacked the capacity and resources. These restrictions are supplemented by restrictions Charter, which gives high priority to principles such as sovereignty and non-interference. In such a situation, the prospects for cooperation are still reduced. Even as ASEAN has “come to be one of the most successful experiments in regionalism in developing countries regard” (Acharya 1993: 3), the ASEAN Way or informal process of ASEAN’s non-interference is the subject of severe criticism. For these reasons, some found that to be his “main goal, to fundamental differences of opinion among its members under the guise of consensus and noninterference obscure” and that “seems to be the ASEAN way” is not the underlying tensions, he simply ignored “(Jones and Smith, 2002: 103, 108). The scenario of southern Africa was very different from that of ASEAN. For many years, Member States SADCC has the weight of South Africa faced “a comprehensive strategy to destabilize and blackmail. arisen since the 1990s, new hope in the region. But the hope and reality are often separated. C ‘is therefore for the SADC, to continue as a strong regional organization, the SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (OPDSC) may not as its predecessor, the OPDS function be. suspicion by some members others can by a series of confidence-building measures and the implementation of a system of shared leadership will be removed. For OPDSC to be effective, it must be in a suspected security concept that military recognizes the political, social, economy and environment. Mutual remains in South Africa, the perception that led the diverse security. States of southern Africa are not yet common values and visions to share. An optimistic result is derived from the Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security and the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) is that the SADC, left the narrow perspective of security, that have prevailed during the Cold War seems. His agenda now includes both the political and military threats (inter-state war, civil war on a large scale human rights violations, war crimes against humanity, genocide, coups and other forms of illegal seizure of power, poor governance and abuse of power, the dangers of instability that accompany periods of political transition and the attacks against democratic institutions) and non-military threats (food security, massive movements of refugees, illegal migrants, humanitarian and natural disasters, disease, poverty and underdevelopment and environmental degradation) (Hammerstad 2005: 7). Another major challenge for southern Africa recently has the problem of AIDS / HIV. interaction and cooperation between people, person, party leaders and the Government of a great help. It is up to the development and launch of the process of building trust and cooperation in the military, political, social, economic and cultural development. In the 1990s, many interstate conflicts of the past Latin America (Argentina, Chile, Peru and Ecuador, El Salvador and Honduras, Chile and Peru) was diplomatic. Reconciliations policy solved, followed by Brazil and Argentina also have dividend payments, leading to the formation of any MERCOSUR, one of the largest economic organization in the Finally, 45% of world population in Latin America. democratic institutions in Latin America is relatively new, they are weak in structure, and the path for non-state actors to wreak havoc (Steinhilber 2006: 7).